Moral Minority?
The Christian right is dead--but it may rise again
March/April 2000
Barry Casselman Utne Reader
Political observers have been conditioned over the past three
decades to regard the religious right as a monolithic political
force whose grassroots voters respond stereotypically to the
directives of a few conservative personalities and organizations.
Indeed, this idea has been fostered not only by liberal pundits,
but also by the religious right itself in a self-serving attempt to
persuade the media that they have the power to turn out masses of
voters on behalf of their causes.
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This thinking may have peaked in the aftermath of the stunning
Republican congressional victories in 1994. Not only did such
organizations as Moral Majority and the Christian Coalition claim
credit for these victories; a significant bloc of new House members
who considered themselves bound to a religious right social agenda
squabbled with new Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich and helped
derail his legislative program.
The political terrain has changed dramatically since then. The
locus of power has moved toward the center, and the religious right
suddenly appears to be in retreat. Voter turnouts have been
dwindling, conservative candidates are playing hard to get, and in
the 2000 election season, the Republican Party is looking elsewhere
for support--particularly to Republican governors. These GOP
officials have not only transformed their state governments, but
also are winning elections and re-elections with huge majorities,
and without emphasizing the religious conservative agendas that
marked GOP strategies in recent years.
Governors Tommy Thompson of Wisconsin, John Engler of Michigan,
George W. and Jeb Bush of Texas and Florida, respectively, Tom
Ridge of Pennsylvania, and George Pataki of New York are among the
most successful of these Republican leaders. While they have been
reforming state governments with conservative principles, cutting
taxes, reducing welfare, and fighting crime, they have for the most
part avoided the so-called bedroom issues that most voters find
demagogic, and don't care about passionately.
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